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México

Una Caravana Zapatista Contra el Despojo del Agua: las luchas de los pueblos unidos contra la guerra del capital

Una caravana indígena, campesina y popular recorre México. En cada etapa, desde la sierra hasta la costa, desde las montañas hasta los suburbios urbanos, le dan la bienvenida comunidades en resistencia quienes con el puño en alto la saludan gritando “el agua no se vende, se ama y se defiende”. En algunos territorios se detienen a hablar con unos pocos campesinos y trabajadoras que luchan contra un basurero contaminante, una granja intensiva o el avance de la agroindustria, en otras comunidades la acogida es ofrecida por cientos de personas organizadas según el principio neozapatista de “mandar obedeciendo”.

Consultas Populares en México: lo que dicen sobre el gobierno de AMLO

En las notas que escribió Marx que después se convirtieron en el Volumen III de El Capital, hay una frase que dice que “toda ciencia sería superflua si la forma de manifestación y la esencia de las cosas coincidieran directamente”. Parte de los grandes méritos que ha tenido el gobierno de López Obrador en México ha sido gracias a que su esencia se mantiene muchas veces oculta, ya que ha empleado métodos sumamente novedosos para disfrazar políticas pro-empresariales y pro-imperialistas y hacerlas pasar por políticas populares, así como de ceder diversas concesiones a las clases explotadas, al mismo tiempo que divide y debilita a sus organizaciones. Uno de estos métodos han sido las famosas “consultas populares”.

Encapsulamiento: origen de la violencia del 8M en México

Tres días previos al 8M, el viernes cinco de marzo del 2021, los monumentos más
representativos de México amanecieron amurallados por vallas de acero de tres
metros de alto: el Monumento a la Revolución, el Ángel de la Independencia, el Palacio
de Bellas Artes, junto con el Palacio Nacional, residencia oficial del actual presidente
de México Andrés Manuel López Obrador (AMLO). Instituciones y residencias privadas
siguieron el ejemplo gubernamental en los siguientes días: la residencia privada de
Andrés Roemer en la colonia Roma, escritor y ex-embajador de buena voluntad de la
UNESCO quien presenta 61 denuncias por acoso y abuso sexual, así como el hotel
Hilton y banco Banorte en la Avenida Juárez, tapizaron la ciudad de acero y madera.

Coronavirus y conflictos en las maquilas

En México vamos entrando un camino que los y las trabajadoras de Italia ya han andado: la pandemia del coronavirus se ensaña en los y las trabajadoras de los parques industriales. En Bérgamo, Italia, ya les ha pasado. En Baja California ya estamos entrando pero hay resistencia. Para el 21 de abril, justo cuando el gobierno federal mexicano ha decretado la “Fase 3” de la pandemia, tres conflictos principales se agudizan en la maquila: (1) Trabajador@s vs empresarios maquileros para que no les obliguen a trabajar arriesgando su vida y el de sus familiares por el coronavirus; (2) Gobierno de Baja California vs empresarios maquileros tratando de obligar a las maquilas que no son “esenciales” a que cierren; y (3) Trabajador@s vs empresarios maquileros demandando que les paguen su salario “integro” mientras están en casa por la pandemia, y no sólo el “mínimo” o aun peor que se les despida sin salario.

The Democrats: blood-stained party of imperialism, war, and oppression

That time has come again, it comes every four years, when people tell us it is our duty to vote…to vote for the lesser evil, to vote against the Republicans, to vote for the Democrats. Right now, some people are enthusing over Democrat Bernie Sanders, that great hope for liberals.

Many justify their support of Sanders by stating that he will push the Democrats to the left, take them back to its “progressive” roots. The truth is that the Democrats are not the party of lesser evil and its roots are far from “progressive.” It is not an ally of labor and the oppressed, and it never was. The Democratic Party is the other party of the Anglo-American ruling class, it is a party that enforces mass incarceration and mass deportations, wages imperialist wars, and supports bloody dictatorships abroad. This is what the Democratic Party is – a capitalist, imperialist party.

The continental repression of Central Americans: interview with Víctor Interiano

I feel that within the imagination of most people who are neither Salvadoran, of Salvadoran descent, or Central American, El Salvador as a nation, people, and culture is a blank book with only four bookmarks for reference: the civil war, present-day mass migration, MS-13, and pupusas. 

One of the greatest misconceptions and purposeful misrepresentations that has been constructed around El Salvador (and in general, Guatemala and Honduras) is a perpetual and contradictory dichotomy of simultaneous victimhood and criminality. 

In the United States we are either pitiable victims of war, political repression, or poverty as long as we remain within our lands. But the moment we migrate, we become MS-13 terrorists and invaders that merit no asylum. 

What is known about Salvadoran history and culture, even among progressive or leftist circles in the U.S., is largely informed from solidarity work around the 1980s civil war and interactions (between mostly white college students) and representatives of various liberation fronts. 

Today, at times, it feels like many of our friends and allies still don’t know us.

This characteristic of being unknowable is not of our choosing or making. It is an unfortunate side-effect of the willful ignorance that comes with being absorbed into and propagating the hegemonic white supremacist culture of the United States. 

Which is unfortunate, because to know us is to understand that Salvadorans are born fighters. Resistance is in our blood, from the anticolonial rebellion led by Anastasio Aquino in the 19th century, to the 1932 Indigenous Uprising, to the 1944 National Strike that brought down a dictatorship; we are a people in continuous mobilization for justice. 

AMLO intensifica la guerra contra los migrantes en México

Hace poco más de unaúltima semana, soldados mexicanos atacaron una caravana demigrantes en Chiapas, México, arrestando a casi 800 personas e hiriendo a varios de ellos. Lamayor parte de estos migrantes eran hondureños. Desde el 18 de enero, el gobierno ha deportadoa 2,303 inmigrantes centroamericanos.1 Mientras que decenas de miles de migrantes estándetenidos en campos de concentración sin atención médica, con acceso limitado a agua potable ycomida. Las condiciones en estos campos han sido descritas como antihigiénicas ysuperpobladas.2 El gobierno ha desplegado miles de soldados a la frontera con Guatemala paradetener a los migrantes. Estos son los actos del gobierno de Andrés Manuel López Obrador(AMLO), quien ha dado continuidad a las políticas migratorias de los presidentes anteriores:deportando a más migrantes centroamericanos que el gobierno de los Estados Unidos.

Opening the border through class struggle and solidarity

North American capitalism has been transformed into two over-lapping, yet starkly contradictory realities for capital and labor. Nowhere is this more apparent than through observation of what has taken place between the United States and Mexico over the last three decades. Through the aegis of the state, its two major political parties, and its junior counterparts across national boundaries, the US capitalist class has transformed the region into a singular borderless economy for capital.

Integration in this form has been accomplished through what are mischaracterized as “free-trade agreements” (FTAs). These were imposed under authoritarian conditions. Freedom was conspicuously absent when FTAs were dictated to the Mexican people during economic crisis as conditional in exchange for emergency loans. These “structural adjustment programs” required by outside entities such as the International Monetary

Bernie Sanders’s immigration plan: a response from the front-lines of struggle

I live in Queens, New York, one of the most diverse areas in the country. I arrived from Mexico as a child in the post 9/11 period of social militarization, carried out under the veil of “national security”. This era has been marked by scapegoating and repression. Between Republican’s nauseatingly racist attacks on our civil rights and the shallow support of establishment Democrats, the voice of undocumented immigrants is ignored in elections if it does not fall in line behind the Democratic Party, or if we go beyond merely focusing our efforts to register our documented community to vote “blue”. 

Despite being taxpayers, we are not allowed to vote, run for office or donate to, fund-raise, or directly campaign for candidates in most local elections and in no state or federal elections. For this reason, civil society and immigrant rights organizations are constrained to waging limited legal challenges and legislative reforms that rely on building alliance with Democrats at the cost of independent action and accountability to the larger community. This marginalization in the electoral arena

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